Hagai El-Ad is a Jewish Israeli Human Rights and LGBTQ Rights advocate. He has directed the Jerusalem Open House for Pride and Tolerance, The Association for Civil Rights in Israel (ACRI), and until recently B’Tselem בצלם, one of the foremost NGOs documenting human rights abuses in the West Bank.

His recent column in Haaretz, reprinted below, is nuanced in its treatment of history and its engagement of the post-colonial paradigm. It is anguished and heartfelt, intelligent and important. It doesn’t come to conclusions, but it also doesn’t look away from difficult truths. It assumes humanity on both sides.

The old paradigms are dead. This is a starting point for finding a new way forward. Israelis have a much farther way to go to accept even a real and dignified two-state solution based on international law and respecting the rights of Palestinian refugees (somehow — exactly how should be a point of negotiation). The entire Arab world already offered this in 2002. Israel ignored it. They even more strongly oppose a one-state solution where everyone has equal rights. They are terrified that if they give Palestinians real human rights and freedoms, Palestinians will only get stronger and keep attacking Israel.

But it’s exactly the opposite: As long as Palestinians have no way forward to live their lives in dignity with basic human rights, their resistance will only get stronger and the bloodshed may never end.

Netanyahu is currently committing something akin to the Bosnian genocide, because he doesn’t want a Palestinian state or Palestinians to have the right to vote in Israel, so the only solution is to kill or drive out the Palestinians. First Gaza, then, when a pretext presents itself, the West Bank.

I’m genuinely shocked by how much the world has let him get away with already. Allowing this to continue any further means risking a spiral into depths of hell most people still can’t imagine, possibly all the way to world war.

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‘Decolonization’ of Israel or ‘Decisive Defeat’ of Palestinians: Are These Our Only Options?

Hagai El-Ad
Haaretz
December 15, 2023

The political philosopher Frantz Fanon wrote that “[t]he settler’s feet are never visible, except perhaps in the sea.” On the eastern shore of the Mediterranean, Zionist settlers tried very hard to ensure that if footprints were to be left in the sand, it would be of their feet only. Tried and succeeded: After the Nakba, only one Palestinian village remained on the coast, Jisr al-Zarqa. Before 1948, it was possible to walk from Jisr, perhaps in bare feet, a short distance north to al-Tantura, or south to Qisarya. These Palestinian villages, as well as the rest of those on the coast, were destroyed and the large Palestinian coastal cities were emptied – from Acre and Haifa in the north, through Jaffa in the center to Majdal (now Ashkelon) in the south: Majdal, whose last Palestinian inhabitants were deported to Gaza only toward the end of 1950, when the war was long over. Or perhaps, it never was.

Today, one walking north along the coast from Jisr will have to make his way out of Israel/Palestine, through the blocked railway tunnels and the blown-up bridge between them at Rosh Hanikra/Ras al-Naqoura, and continue for about 20 kilometers toward the southern edges of Tyre, in Lebanon, to reach the first Palestinian coastal footprint: the Rashidieh refugee camp. And heading south? He will have to make his way into the Gaza Strip, of course – reaching the northern outskirts of the city of Gaza and the Al-Shati refugee camp: Shati, literally the “beach” camp, whose name indicates not only its location on the Mediterranean coast, but perhaps also bears the memory of lost beaches, those that no longer have villages (except one) and cities by their side, but rather refugee camps, the places where Palestinians will surely “die anywhere, from anything” (Fanon).

Battle tanks, and not only feet, can also leave marks in the sand. Israel captured Rashidieh in the 1982 Lebanon War (in Operation Litani in 1978, the camp was encircled) and occupied it until 1985. Whereas Shati, like the rest of the Gaza Strip, was under direct Israeli occupation from 1967 until the 2005 disengagement, and then went through repeated “rounds” of military operations – and one continuous blockade – all the way until the horrific October of 2023 when the army returned to Shati, as it did to almost the entire northern half of the Strip. What is now left of the camp? In mid-November, Haaretz reported that “[w]hen the APC stops, the hatch opens onto the Shati refugee camp. A look around reveals something that was once a street… After a short journey west, we once again have a view of the Gaza coastline. Its beauty is in stark contrast to the destruction along the entire length of the shore.” At a distance of about 120 kilometers, Shati is no longer the first Palestinian community on the coast south of Jisr a-Zarqa. Truth be told, it is not clear when – if at all – it will be again.

In this manner we “replaced” – in Fanon’s words – “a certain ‘species’ of men by another ‘species’ of men.” History shows that when people are “replaced” by others – when colonization is carried out – atrocities are committed. This is not some theoretical, distant insight: In 1948, during that “replacement,” we committed atrocities: from Deir Yassin (after the replacement: Jerusalem’s Har Nof neighborhood) to Tantura (after the replacement: Moshav Dor and Kibbutz Nahsholim). And as decolonization is “quite simply” the reversal of the above, quite a few people – disgustingly – hold the opinion that the massacres, rape and other horrors of October 7 expressed such a moment of “decolonization” – and therefore are, essentially, justified.

I suppose that it is possible to accept – resignedly or resentfully – a historical fate that embraces a worldview that between the River and the Sea everything, absolutely everything, is a zero-sum game. And that forever it will be exactly so, and if not forever then until – until when exactly? Until the “decolonization” of the Jews, or until the “decisive defeat” of the Palestinians? Either possibility entails a superficial – and cruel – reading of history.

Yes, it is good to read Fanon, hear the echo of his ideas, recognize them in our local context – and to recognize, with a measure less of automatic superficiality, the differences: Palestine is not Algeria, and we are not (speaking of feet) pieds-noirs; “Who can dispute the rights of the Jews to Palestine?” (as Jerusalem Mayor Yousef al-Khalidi wrote in 1899, in a letter delivered to Herzl); Jews came here while “leaning on the British Mandate” (Jabotinsky) but we also came here as refugees while fighting the Mandate; and, above all: No other home awaits us anywhere else in the world. Jews have been walking here, sometimes barefoot, for many a generation. On this land, the seashore is not the only place where our feet are visible.

Of course, not only our feet. Decisive defeat? Operation Yoav (October 1948) resulted, in a short period of time, in the emptying of the southern coastal plain (and the northern Negev/Naqab) of Palestinians, thus doubling the population of the Gaza Strip and transforming it into a place where most people, to this very day, are refugees or their descendants.

Seventy-five years later, and the current Israeli military operation is already emptying another parcel of land of Palestinians: this time, the northern half of the Strip, while doubling the population of the southern half – and who knows if, when and to exactly where Israel will allow them to return. Indeed, it is possible to continue all this. To “fold” even more Palestinians into even less territory – not only in Gaza but everywhere: also in the West Bank and the Galilee, in Jerusalem and in the Negev. To kill even more Palestinians: In 2014 we killed hundreds of children in Gaza, now they number in the thousands. Continue to carry the “violence into the home and into the mind” of Palestinians, and to remind them (and ourselves) again and again, “that the great showdown cannot be put off indefinitely” (Fanon). All this is possible.

And indeed, the current Israeli war plan – as announced almost daily – is, definitely, to continue until “the elimination of Hamas” is completed. With respect to this plan there are those who remind us that Hamas is a Palestinian movement – an idea – and that ideas cannot be destroyed. This is, of course, true, but – and the same people often neglect to mention the following – this insight applies not only to certain ideas that are nationalist or violent, but to ideas in general. Humanistic ideas too cannot be destroyed, even if human beings who hold them as a worldview are killed.

These are dark days for millions of people. Here we are, over 15 million of us, reeling within an unending horror of death and violence. Not a single day goes by without tears. Humanistic ideas may perhaps be indestructible, but are they even relevant in such a reality? Truthfully, they are more relevant than ever – not as a means of indulging in some naive moralism, but because they genuinely express a different moral perspective, desiring of life, at the heart of which is also a measure of sober realism that was formulated as early as 1948, in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights: “Whereas it is essential, if man is not to be compelled to have recourse, as a last resort, to rebellion against tyranny and oppression, that human rights should be protected.”

Anyone with eyes in his head knew that reality was heading, God forbid, toward a terrible implosion. This is how B’Tselem, the Israeli human rights organization that I directed until about six months ago, put it in 2017: “The situation wrongly called the status quo ensures one thing, and one thing only: a continued downward spiral into an ever more violent, unjust and hopeless reality. Unless a nonviolent way out of the present situation is found, the violence of the past half century might be just a preview of much worse to come. The effort to achieve a different future here is not only an urgent moral imperative, it is a matter of life and death.”

B’Tselem repeated these words over and over again, also in May 2021 (during Operation Guardian of the Walls): “A reality that is based on organized violence is not only immoral – it is a danger to us all… We all desire life. For every single one of us.”

And no, within this realistic perspective, there is no justification for the atrocities of October 7. Yes, it is possible to engineer a reality rooted in dispossession and oppression, of a regime based on supremacy and violence, and pretend that none of this leads to an implosion – and even blame those who warned of the inevitable outcome as if they were justifying the violence. But this is hypocritical: Warning against the impending abyss is not a priori apologism for the expected crash. Rather, it is an attempt, perhaps a desperate one, to prevent it.

Humans can make choices. Therefore, we have moral responsibility. The Israelis bear responsibility for (among other things) the consequences of the long-standing policy that made it clear to Palestinians that Israel had no intention of granting them freedom or equality, a policy that sought to trample any nonviolent channel through which Palestinians tried to resist their dispossession. Israel is the one that decided that everything – except Palestinian surrender – is “terrorism.”

Demonstrations? Popular terrorism. The ICC in The Hague? Legal terrorism. The United Nations? Diplomatic terrorism. Sanctions? Economic terrorism.

This is a continuous, arrogant, immoral and irresponsible approach, which made it clear every day anew that any attempt at nonviolent resistance was prohibited, and that Israel would act against it by force. The completely predictable outcome of all this was, and continues to be, more violence.

And even though the violent implosion was the ever-approaching abyss that was visible to all, there is a terrible and unequivocal responsibility that is shared by anyone who decided to step beyond the abyss’ threshold. This is the Palestinian responsibility (among other things) for torching homes with their occupants still inside, murdering children, raping women*, kidnapping families and all the other atrocities of October 7 and since that terrible day. Against such crimes there has always been and will forever be an absolute moral prohibition. The shock, the rage, the unending terrible sadness and the tears that never stop, are the human response to the trampling of the most basic norms. The shock is even more painful when there are those who try to deny the bloody facts, or when there are those who are unable to say simply that this is an atrocity, that this is a crime, that these are absolute prohibitions that have been violated time and again in Be’eri’s safe rooms, on the lawns of Kfar Azza, between the houses of Nir Oz, in the fields of Re’im and the streets of Sderot and Ofakim.

[* Pamela’s note: It is emerging that at least some of the allegations of rape were false, and there remains no concrete evidence of any rape committed. This is not a question of “believing women,” because no victims have come forward and made allegations. It is a question of believing Israeli spokespeople, soldiers, and volunteers who lied about several things, including forty beheaded babies, dead children hung on clotheslines, and a pregnant women with her fetus cut out of her body. There is no evidence any of those things happened, though they were repeated widely in the press for weeks. To be clear, Hamas did commit mass murder and abductions, both of which are terrible crimes. And it is possible that rapes were committed. I am waiting for more comprehensive reports and evidence to come out before making a determination. Please feel welcome to share any evidence in the comments. While we must be sensitive when it comes to allegations of sexual assault, and generally speaking I do err on the side of believing victims, it’s also important to remember that false allegations of rape against marginalized people have been used to justify atrocities, such as lynchings in the American South. And Israel is currently committing something akin to the Bosnian genocide in Gaza. The atrocities in Gaza are so horrific, it would be difficult for ordinary people to stomach them without thoroughly dehumanizing the Palestinians and whipping up blinding fury. False allegations of monstrous atrocities are one way to do this.]

The Israeli paradigm, for years now, has been to control the entire area while managing most Palestinians by way of two subcontractors: the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank and Hamas in Gaza. There have long been those who have said that since the establishment of the Oslo regime in the territories, Fatah, the “Movement for the Liberation of Palestine,” may still be a movement but that it is certainly no longer doing much liberation. Therefore, the best thing it can do is to rebel against the paradigm and “return the keys” to Israel. At the end of the day, it was actually the other subcontractor, Hamas, which upended the paradigm. As Khalil al-Hayya, a member of Hamas’ politburo, told The New York Times, the group’s “goal is not to run Gaza and to bring it water and electricity and such… It did not seek to improve the situation in Gaza. This battle is to completely overthrow the situation.”

Yes, the old paradigm was rotten to the core. Whoever kicked it did so with appalling cruelty. The price paid in blood is skyrocketing. And now we all live in a post-October 7 world. In Israel it is still not possible to identify all the bodies. In Gaza it is impossible to count all the bodies. Throughout all my years in B’Tselem, I kept in my heart the fear of the day when the horror would overflow, and the so-called conflict would transform into a phase so violent that not all victims could have a name or a grave. We have reached this stage. We live this horror. Deir Yassin and Gush Etzion, Sabra and Shatila, Be’eri and Gaza. Atrocities etched into the historical memory of both peoples. Leaders who speak in real time about the “destruction of Israel” and of the “2023 Gaza Nakba.” How much blood can this Earth absorb before it vomits us all out?

We all desire life. For every single one of us.